Twitter NewsLocal NewsCity’s burial records go on internetBy admin – June 4, 2009 585 LIMERICK CITY Council become the first local authority in the country to place its burial registers online when it launched the new service on its website this week.Sign up for the weekly Limerick Post newsletter Sign Up Burial records for the city’s largest cemetery, Mount Saint Lawrence, dating back more than 150 years, are now available for the public to view over the internet.Medrex Systems a microfilm business owned by Anton O’Carroll were given the task to microfilm the records and then to convert them into digital format.It is now possible to access a copy of the original handwritten entries of burials in Mount Saint Lawrence cemetery from 1855 onwards on Limerick City Council’s website www.limerick.iePhotographed are Flan Haskett, superintendent Cemeteries, Jackie Hayes, City archivist and Cllr John Gilligan, Mayor of Limerick at the launch of the online register at Mount St Lawrence cemetery. Linkedin Advertisement WhatsApp Print Facebook Email Previous articleTeen charged with Crawford murderNext articleCall to end revolving door system admin
Related posts:No related photos. At-a-glance guide to the new data protection monitoring codeOn 17 Jun 2003 in Personnel Today Mark Mansell and Lucy Baldwinson from law firm Allen & Overy outlinewhat you need to do to comply with the monitoring codeThe monitoring section of the Data Protection Code was released byInformation Commissioner Richard Thomas last week. What do you need to do tocomply? Employers must take steps to comply with this Code if they carry out anyworkplace monitoring that goes beyond one individual simply watching another.If monitoring involves manual recording or automated processing of personalinformation it must be carried out fairly and lawfully. There is no singledefinition of monitoring, but it can include activities such as taping phonecalls for training purposes, or checking workers’ e-mails and internet use foraccess to pornography. As an immediate response to the Code, employers should do a quick audit oftheir monitoring activities. They should then conduct an impact assessment toestablish whether their monitoring is lawful in terms of data protectioncompliance. This assessment involves the following steps: – Identify the purpose(s) of monitoring and the benefits it is likely todeliver – Identify any likely adverse impact – Consider alternatives to monitoring or less intrusive ways it could becarried out – Take into account obligations arising from monitoring, such as notifyingstaff about monitoring arrangements, keeping the gathered information secure,and the implications of individuals’ rights to accessing collected information – Judge whether monitoring is justified Employers should also double-check that staff are aware of the nature,extent and reasons for monitoring, unless covert monitoring can be justified. The general approach under the Code is that employers can carry outworkplace monitoring provided the right balance is struck between the legitimateexpectations of staff and the interests of employers. How do you go about managing compliance on a long-term basis? The nature and size of the organisation will influence what is reasonable toexpect of the systems employers put in place to manage data protectioncompliance. The new Data Protection Code’s recommendations include thefollowing: – Designate one person to take responsibility for ensuring employmentpolicies and procedures comply with data protection legislation – Carry out a personal data audit to highlight any gaps in data protectioncompliance that need to be remedied – Ensure line managers and staff are made aware of their data protectionresponsibilities and potential liabilities through guidance notes and training – Check the firm has a valid and up-to-date notification in the InformationCommissioner’s register of data controllers – Consult workers and/or staff representatives, where appropriate, over thedevelopment of employment practices and policies that involve processingpersonal information about workers – Conduct an impact assessment to ensure all monitoring activities are fairand lawful We often record our workers’ phone calls for training purposes. Can wecontinue to do this under the Code? Yes, but certain conditions must be satisfied. Recording staff telephonecalls (as well as intercepting e-mails, in the course of transmission) issubject to the Regulatory of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (RIP) and the LawfulBusiness Practice Regulations (LBP Regulations), as well as data protectionlegislation. Provided the call is being monitored for training purposes andworkers have been notified in advance, recording will be allowed under RIP andthe LBP Regulations. For the purposes of data protection, the Code recommends carrying out animpact assessment to determine whether the benefits justify the adverse impact.If so, inform workers about the nature and extent of monitoring. In addition,the Code requires those making calls to/receiving calls from workers to be informedof any monitoring and its purpose, unless this is obvious. This could be doneby a recorded message, or by staff telling callers that their conversations maybe monitored. Can we read workers’ e-mails when they are away to make sure thatbusiness-related issues are not left to languish unattended? Yes, but the Code advises that if it is necessary to check e-mail accountsin a worker’s absence, make sure they know this will happen. Where practicable,the Code recommends that those sending e-mails to staff are also made aware ofany monitoring and the purpose behind it. The employer is advised to encourage the use of a marking system to helpprotect private or personal communications. Where possible, monitoring shouldbe confined to the address or ‘subject’ of an e-mail. The Code requiresemployers to avoid opening e-mails, particularly those that are clearly privateor personal, unless there is a valid and defined reason to examine the content.We would like to monitor internet use as there have been severalinstances of staff downloading pornography. Can we do this? Yes, the Code does permit the monitoring of internet access. However, itrecommends carrying out an impact assessment to ensure the benefits are notoutweighed by any adverse impact. It also requires staff to be informed of thenature and extent of all internet monitoring, as well as the extent to whichinformation about internet use is retained and for how long. Generally, it is advisable to set out explicitly in a policy document whatis permitted use and abuse of an employer’s internet and communicationsfacilities. The Code gives guidance on the basic contents that should beincluded in a communications policy. There is a suspicion that some staff are buying and selling drugs in thetoilets. Can we install a secret camera to catch them? What happens if wenotice some other misconduct in the course of filming? According to the Code, covert monitoring should only be used in exceptionalcircumstances, such as where there are grounds for suspecting criminal orequivalent malpractice. It must be strictly targeted at obtaining evidencewithin a set timeframe, and should normally be authorised by senior management.Covert monitoring in private places, such as toilets or a private office, iseven more restrictive under the Code, as it requires this should be confined tocases of suspicion of serious crime, where there is also an intention toinvolve the police. A suspicion of drug dealing is likely to equate tosuspicion of a serious crime. Any other information collected in the course of covert monitoring should bedisregarded according to the Code, unless it reveals information that noreasonable employer could be expected to ignore – for example where it concernsother criminal activity or equivalent malpractice. Can we obtain workers’ consent to all forms of monitoring with or withouttheir prior knowledge? The Code is moving away from using consent as a means of justifyingmonitoring. This reflects the European approach which stipulates that consentmust be ‘freely given’. The Code recognises this may not always be the case inthe employment context, and consent can be withdrawn at any time. Accordingly, it may be safer for employers to ensure that their monitoringactivities can be justified on the basis of an impact assessment – in whichcase consent is generally not needed to monitor staff. What happens if an employer’s activities don’t comply with the Code? The Code sets out the Information Commissioner’s recommendations as to how thelegal requirements of the DPA 1998 can be satisfied. However, there may bealternative ways of meeting these obligations that are not contained in theCode. Non-compliance does not mean automatic non-compliance with the DPA 1998.Only breaches of the DPA 1998 will trigger enforcement action. However, if the employer does not take any steps towards data protectioncompliance, there is a strong likelihood that it will be breaking the law. www.informationcommissioner.gov.uk Comments are closed. Previous Article Next Article
Poor families, like families everywhere, share an age-old parental challenge: getting kids to eat healthy.But recent research by Caitlin Daniel, a doctoral candidate in sociology in Harvard’s Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, shows that low-income parents face a critical burden other parents don’t: They can’t afford the waste that goes hand in hand with getting kids to eat their Brussels sprouts.The research, backed by a Harvard catalyst childhood obesity pilot grant and published in the journal Social Science and Medicine, provides new understanding of one of the forces driving the American obesity crisis. Daniel spoke to the Gazette about the costs of eating well. GAZETTE: Your research sheds light on some of the economic roots of the obesity epidemic as it affects low-income families: food waste and picky kids. Can you describe your work for us?DANIEL: The paper comes from a broader project on the food decisions of parents across the socioeconomic spectrum. It comes at a time when concern about diet-related disease is on the rise. The particular goal of this project is to understand the interplay between economic constraints on the one hand and the ideas that people hold about food on the other. This interest is largely borne of my own personal experience growing up in a lower-income household, where economic constraints were definitely part of food decisions. But I also noticed that social and symbolic aspects of eating were nonetheless present.This interplay between the social and symbolic and economic wasn’t reflected as much as I wanted in public health research on food choices among the poor. It wasn’t reflected in sociological and anthropological research on food and eating either. And my sense was that if we want to understand the socioeconomic disparities in diet quality and diet-related health, we really need to understand the resources people have to procure food, as well as the place food holds in their life in a symbolic and social sense.GAZETTE: Specifically, what did you do?DANIEL: Three summers ago, I started interviewing parents in the Boston area about how they decide what to feed their families: their priorities, their concerns, their challenges, some of their attitudes toward food and eating and health. Then I followed a subset of them — about half of them — on a typical grocery-shopping trip. I had already done the interviews at this time and they knew I was following them — just to see what they did, how they made decisions — and then I sat down with them after the shopping trip to probe some of their thoughts as they were going along.GAZETTE: So how many families did you shop with?DANIEL: I’ve actually done additional shopping trips since the paper was published. At that point, I’d followed 38 people on shopping trips and had done two trips with a small handful of people. And I had talked to 73 parents.Based on her research, Caitlin Daniel found that “the food-desert argument … is predicated on the idea that we go to the closest place that’s available.” Credit: Creative CommonsGAZETTE: So you spent a lot of time in grocery stores. Was there a particular grocery store that people favored?DANIEL: It varied depending on where people lived. A lot of the Cambridge-Somerville people went to Market Basket in Somerville, especially the low-income people. I found this pattern interesting. The food-desert argument — which is very compelling and many people are familiar with — is predicated on the idea that we go to the closest place that’s available. People often lived closer to a different store but would make a monthly, longer trip to Market Basket because the prices were so much lower. The low-income people in Dorchester and Roxbury would go to a place called Save-A-Lot or to a place called PriceRite. And, similarly, these were not always the closest options but the amount that people saved outweighed the inconvenience and time involved in making that trek.GAZETTE: So that’s an indication of the importance of cost to people’s food choices?DANIEL: Yes. Store selection says a lot about the role of economic resources in food provisioning. Absolutely.GAZETTE: Your work focused, of course, on getting kids to eat healthy. Could you talk a little bit about those findings?DANIEL: Very early on, it became clear to me that lower-income respondents minimized the risk of food waste by purchasing what their children like. And often children like food that is calorie-dense and nutrient-poor.It can take children some eight to 15 times to accept the food that they didn’t like at first. Vegetables, for example, are a little bit harder to love than macaroni and cheese, and it can take repeated experience to come to like something like mustard greens or Brussels sprouts. The low-income parents were quite attuned to this possibility of waste because their budgets were often so tight that they couldn’t take an economic hit in the form of food their children wouldn’t eat.I also talked to higher-income parents. They were less on edge about food waste and more inclined to repeatedly introduce their kids to foods they didn’t like at first or to take a risk on something when they didn’t even know if the child would like it.GAZETTE: Does this affect not just the kids’ diet but also the diet of the rest of the family?DANIEL: In some cases, parents ate what they were going to eat anyway and gave something separate to the child. But in some cases parents didn’t want to go through the process of cooking two separate meals. [They] would cook something the child found acceptable and so that would apply to everyone else. For example, I talked to a woman who had recently adopted teenage boys. She loved collard greens and she made collard greens, [but] they wouldn’t eat them. After a while she said, “You know what? No one here is eating collard greens anymore because these boys won’t eat them and we’re going to make something that they’ll accept instead.” So there does seem to be a spillover effect of children’s taste on what the rest of the family eats.GAZETTE: What to your mind is the most striking thing about this study?DANIEL: To me the most important point … is that children’s propensity to reject new foods has implications for how we calculate the cost of a healthy diet.There’s some degree of debate about whether low-income people can actually afford healthy food. On the one hand, people say it’s just too cost-prohibitive to afford a healthy diet on a budget. On the other hand, some people say that with adequate planning and budgeting, lower-income people can actually eat quite a wholesome and healthful diet.But usually the researchers and food-justice advocates who address this question don’t account for waste. For poor parents, waste is very salient and when they assess whether something is affordable or expensive, they don’t just look at the number on the price tag, they also think about whether the food will actually get eaten. In some cases, when the food goes uneaten, something that’s affordable on paper becomes expensive in practice. Currently, ways of measuring food costs don’t account for the cost of waste.You could argue that for adults it’s their responsibility to manage waste: If they buy something and don’t eat it, that’s on them. But in the case of children, waste is a normal and even an inevitable part of eating and taste acquisition. Without accounting for that waste, assertions that low-income households can afford a healthy diet actually overestimate a family’s ability to provide their children with a wholesome diet.GAZETTE: Did any solutions become apparent? Were there low-income families that were successful maintaining or transitioning to a healthier diet?DANIEL: I’ll touch on two points. One is that parents’ tendency to make safe choices isn’t uniform across families. And [two], parents’ tastes — or the tastes of other people living in the household — are also part of this picture.When parents or other family members like a wide range of foods, they can offer the child small portions of what they’re already eating or absorb the waste that the child creates. I did talk to economically constrained families where the parents loved a wide range of healthy foods and they were less concerned about their children rejecting that salad because they would eat what the child left behind. But often low-income parents I talked to had both limited finances and limited palates. And it’s these parents who faced the greatest risk of waste, because if neither the parent nor the child liked the food it would go to waste entirely.GAZETTE: Is parents’ retraining their own palates no small task, when they’re rushing to get off to work and trying to get the kids out the door?DANIEL: There’s the time cost, there’s the cognitive bandwidth — that people often don’t have — to cultivate new habits, and the waste argument applies to parents retraining their palates as well. Parents may need multiple times trying something new before they like it, and waste may be generated in that process, too. So I think that fundamentally this is an issue of economic inequality. We can’t expect people to experiment and take risks on things when their budgets don’t have the latitude to be eroded in that way.How we address economic inequality is a complicated and political question. There are a number of shorter-term policy and programming interventions that could be done. I noticed that low-income parents were quite willing to purchase things that their children had tried outside the home and liked. In these cases, children would say they had tried something at school, say Asian pears or pomegranates, or they had tried something at a friend’s house, like asparagus, and the parent, knowing that the child would eat those things, would express a willingness to purchase them. So if the risk of food waste can be shared across institutions that children are involved in, that’s a way of relieving that burden from families themselves.
48 McDonald St, Hawthorne.Two crystal chandeliers hang from 6m-high vaulted ceilings in the impressive entry foyer. Natural light flows through clerestory windows, highlighting the Sydney blue gum timber flooring. A large carpeted office sits to one side with built-in cabinetry and work desks, data cabling, and private entry to the front veranda. 48 McDonald St, Hawthorne.THIS bespoke property is the direction architect Kevin Hincksman sees modern Aussie homes going. Occupying a 744sq m block in Hawthorne’s River Avenues precinct, the exterior of the 48 McDonald St home instils a sense of peace, combining dark timber and stone with pebbled pathways and established gardens. 48 McDonald St, Hawthorne.The covered rear deck promotes dining with an outdoor kitchen featuring built-in barbecue, Condour rangehood, sink and bar fridge. Rich timber decking runs to the edge of an in-ground pool and a fenced back yard. The ground floor also includes a laundry, discreet and modern bathroom, and a media room with in-ceiling surround sound and blackout curtains.All four bedrooms are located on the first floor, encircling a naturally-lit family room with polished timber flooring. 48 McDonald St, Hawthorne.More from newsMould, age, not enough to stop 17 bidders fighting for this home2 hours agoBuyers ‘crazy’ not to take govt freebies, says 28-yr-old investor8 hours agoThe open-plan living and dining rooms embrace the residence’s focus on space while showcasing elements of opulence. A built-in television sits above a contemporary gas fireplace in the living room, and sliding glass doors offer seamless access to the pool and back veranda. Waterfall Caesarstone benchtops, Miele appliances, soft-close cabinetry and a drinks preparation station with a Vintec wine fridge accentuate the kitchen’s functional and aesthetic appeal. The enormous butler’s pantry makes hosting easy, thanks to stone benchtops and a built-in dishwasher. 48 McDonald St, Hawthorne.The main bedroom boasts a custom walk-in wardrobe and ensuite. The latter includes a double vanity, bathtub and oversized shower with dual showerheads. The other bedrooms come with built-in wardrobes and study desks, along with ducted airconditioning. A shared bathroom sits nearby.Significant storage space is available in the garage, which boasts a custom-built work bench.“This property stands for quality, individuality, thought and craftsmanship,” agent Darcy Lord of Place Bulimba said.The home is open for inspection by appointment with an auction on site set for 10am February 25.